One reason why Yeltsin was the West’s darling was that his policies suited the Western agenda for Russia. By contrast, Russia’s resurgence under Putin is seen as threatening the U.S. unipolar model.
In addressing the United Nations, President Obama singled out for condemnation Syria’s President Assad and his alleged use of “barrel bombs,” but Obama was silent on his own use of far more powerful ordnance or the civilian tolls from Saudi/Israeli attacks with highly lethal U.S. bombs, writes Robert Parry.
Země nebyla zadlužená a nebyl tu žádný bezdomovec. Naopak, byly zde přijaty stovky tisíc uprchlíků z okolních zemí a bylo o ně postaráno stejně jako o zdejší občany. Každodenní život byl navíc velice ekonomický, potraviny laciné. Školy, univerzity a nemocnice byly zadarmo i pro nás, cizince patřící k syrské mnišské komunitě, jak jsme sami zakusili. Mezitím vypukla strašná válka. Na vlastní oči jsme viděli, jak cizinci (nikoli Syřané) organizovali manifestace, které byly filmovány Katarskou televizí Al Jazeera a potom vysílány do celého světa s falešným výkladem, že se syrský lid bouří proti diktatuře.
During the Syrian army’s offensive to retake the eastern part of Aleppo from the insurgent opposition, the Western media portrayed the assault as if Russia and Syria were carrying out a campaign primarily aimed at killing and harming civilians. The humanitarian crisis dominated headlines while key facts, such as Al Qaeda’s domination of the opposition forces and the way in which the militants had brutally conquered the city’s civilians, were marginalized or not reported at all. A similar military offensive being carried out by the U.S. and its allies in the Iraqi city of Mosul reveals the hypocritical nature of Western news outlets, which portray their own countries’ actions as targeting only Islamic State terrorists and scrupulously avoiding harm to civilians.
The 10 largest spenders account for $1242,8 billion, or 73,7%, of total global spending.
French President Emmanuel Macron — the “great hope” of Europe — told French legislators a few days ago that he plans to extend his nation’s draconian and counterproductive state of emergency for a sixth time later this month — to give his government time to prepare a tough new anti-terrorism law to replace it.
For 25 years, Republicans and Democrats have acted in ways that look much the same to Moscow. Washington has pursued policies that have ignored Russian interests (and sometimes international law as well) in order to encircle Moscow with military alliances and trade blocs conducive to U.S. interests. It is no wonder that Russia pushes back. The wonder is that the U.S. policy elite doesn’t get this, even as foreign-affairs neophyte Trump apparently does.
Šest desítek let evropských smluv Unii podle Weekse hluboce změnilo směrem k posílení exekutivy. Příklad Francie se silnou výkonnou mocí ukazuje, že silná exekutiva je v souladu s demokratickou společností. S jedním detailem: exekutiva musí být demokraticky zvolená. A to Evropská komise není.
Vážený pane Pehe, přiznám se, že mi působí určité potíže přistoupit na Váš způsob argumentace. Vždyť je to jen nedávno, co jsem byl spolu s dalšími občany přesvědčován, že Saddám Husajn je nový Adolf Hitler, který akutně ohrožuje celý svět. Po útoku na Irák se ukázalo, že Saddám je slabší než kdykoliv dříve, jeho armáda je špatně vystrojena i vyzbrojena a má hodně jinou morálku, než měly počátkem války jednotky Hitlerovy.
„Kissinger … had previously planned an underground effort to improve relations with Havana,“ according to the Times, „[b]ut in late 1975, [Cuban dictator Fidel] Castro sent troops to Angola to help the newly independent nation fend off attacks from South Africa and right-wing guerrillas.“ This effort by Castro, which had little bearing on any major U.S. interests, was apparently an unbearable act of impertinence — at least in Kissinger’s eyes. His reaction, says the Times, was „infuriated“ and „incensed.“
From Nixon to Rand, Republicans have banked on the unerring support of Southern white men. Here’s how it came to be
The coup that transformed the relationship between British politics and journalism began at a quiet Sunday lunch at Chequers, the official country retreat of the prime minister, Margaret Thatcher. She was trailing in the polls, caught in a recession she had inherited, eager for an assured cheerleader at a difficult time. Her guest had an agenda too. He was Rupert Murdoch, eager to secure her help in acquiring control of nearly 40% of the British press.
Donald Trump speaks directly to that pain. The Brexit campaign spoke to that pain. So do all of the rising far-right parties in Europe. They answer it with nostalgic nationalism and anger at remote economic bureaucracies – whether Washington, the North American free trade agreement the World Trade Organisation or the EU. And of course, they answer it by bashing immigrants and people of colour, vilifying Muslims, and degrading women. Elite neoliberalism has nothing to offer that pain, because neoliberalism unleashed the Davos class. People such as Hillary and Bill Clinton are the toast of the Davos party. In truth, they threw the party.